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About 100 protesters threatened to “drive out” mainland tourists at Tsim Sha Tsui on Feb 16.迷你倉沙田 Some observers have stressed its negative impact on Hong Kong’s tourism and others noted that some protesters’ unlawful behavior violated public order. However, looking at it from an historical perspective, the incident isn’t a simple case of discriminating against mainland tourists and breaching local laws. Rather, it reflects the realities of the current political situation in Hong Kong.The protest is obviously political in nature. While its label of “driving out the locusts” is an insult to mainland tourists, a political slogan that screams “anti-communism, anti-colonization” highlighted the organizers’ evil intentions. Moreover, the protesters waved the colonial Blue Ensign flags. Therefore, the incident has seriously damaged the SAR’s cornerstone — the “One Country, Two Systems” principle.“One Country, Two Systems” is the constitutional arrangement defining the fundamental relationship between Hong Kong and mainland effective from July 1, 1997, when the Hong Kong SAR was officially established. However, as a part of living history, it has been evolving since the very beginning.In the first five years of the HKSAR, the “One Country, Two Systems” principle was at the initial stages of implementation and public understanding. Hong Kong, in general, put emphasis on the difference between “Two Systems” while neglecting “One Country”. The mainland, meanwhile, stood firmly by its promises best described as “the well water doesn’t interfere with the river water.”Since the dawn of the new century, however, the unprecedented Asian financial crisis, speedy globalization of economies and the remarkable rise of the Chinese mainland has been dramatically reshaping Hong Kong’s economic landscape as well as its relationship with the mainland. Consequently, in June and July of 2003, “One Country, Two Systems” confronted the first historic crossroad.The signing of the mainland and Hong Kong Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) on June 29, 2003, followed by the opposition-led mass demonstrations on July 1 that year, showed the HKSAR and the mainland both made decisions. Since then Hong Kong society has more or less acknowledged that the city’s economy has become inseparable from the mainland economy, but it has insisted its political affairs remain different from, and off limits, to the mainland. On the other hand, the central government authorities have increasingly supported Hong Kong’s economic development while consistently leaving the city’s politics alone.CEPA almost instantly helped Hong Kong recover from the worst economic recession, triggered by the Asian financial crisis. The local opposition had no choice but to keep quiet during its initial implementation. But, as the economic integration between Hong Kong and the mainland grew in迷你倉價錢scale and depth, the opposition became increasingly frustrated by the success of CEPA. They began trying to derail it with political stumbling blocks borrowed straight from Western “democracies”.As the inherent differences between Hong Kong and the mainland in economics as well as politics became more pronounced, some Hongkongers suddenly remembered the city’s traditional “core values”. They warned that these might be in danger. The opposition camp has spared no effort in fanning public hostility toward the mainland and the central government. Recently it has launched a string of anti-integration offensives in a desperate attempt to win public support for their quest for what they call “genuine universal suffrage”.Thus it is no coincidence that the opposition finds it necessary to mix its attempts to poison the relationship between Hong Kong and mainland with a marketing drive to sell a Western political system in the city. And the opposition camp apparently believes this would be even more appealing when mixed with fond memories of British colonial rule. Since July 1, 2012, the symbol of the colonial era — the Dragon and Lion Flag — has been in public view during protests alongside the Blue Ensign flag, repeatedly. Meanwhile, a movement of some sort seeking Hong Kong independence is taking shape in the city.Although the advocates of “Hong Kong independence” or resuming Britain’s colonial rule are small in number, it’s worth noting that the political extremism they employ is gathering force and spreading in the SAR. For example, on Dec 26, 2013, 40 days before the above-mentioned protest, some extremists trespassed into the headquarters of the People’s Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison. They waved the colonial flag while shouting slogans advocating “Hong Kong independence”. From provoking the nation’s armed forces to abusing mainland visitors, the campaign for “Hong Kong independence” is escalating. It is part of the opposition camp’s desire to duplicate a Western political system here. This is the first step toward changing the mainland’s political system even though they know this will destroy Hong Kong as we know it.Looking back at the political protests in 2003, we can see the “One Country, Two Systems” principle has now reached another crossroad. In both theory and reality the relationship between the HKSAR and the mainland cannot stay unchanged while the two economies become more integrated but the political systems remain alien to each other. The only way for Hong Kong to break out of this limbo is to balance its economic and political relations with the mainland.The author is a veteran current affairs commentator.Although the advocates of ‘Hong Kong independence’ or resuming Britain’s colonial rule are small in number, it’s worth noting that the political extremism they employ is gathering force and spreading in the SAR.”迷你倉最平